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Adams, Fraser, Sugden, Buckley, King, Moir, Grigor, Taylor, Crane, (2) Braddell, (2) St. Clair, Raeburn, Neave, Gunn, B. de Thuy, Spencer Pratt, Reid, Gentle, MacRitchie, Maclaren, Allinson, Lim Boon Keng, Tan Jiak Kim, and several other prominent Chinese; all the leading members of the Eurasian community; in fact; nearly every class of mercantile or trading house in the Settlement was represented, the seats being filled, and all the doorways being crowded, chiefly by Europeans who came later than the Asiatics. There were also present the Revs. G. M. Reith, A. Lamont, Gomes, and Munson.
Promptly at 5 o'clock Mr. Arnot Reid proposed that Mr. W. Nanson be elected to the chair, saying that it was desirable that a member of the committee of the Straits Settlements Association local branch should preside. The proposal was adopted by acclamation, and Mr. Nanson took the chair.
THE CHARMAN,
Mr. W. Nanson (of Messrs. Rodyk and Davidson, advocates and solicitors), who was supported on his right by Mr. Napier, and his left hy Dr. Lim Boon Keng, said:--- This meeting has been called at the instance of the Straits Settlements Association in order that the public of Singapore may have the opportunity of expressing their approval of the action which has been taken by some of the unofficial members of the Eegislative Council, all, I believe, of the Justices of the Peace of this Settlement who are not connected with the Government, and all the resident members of the Chinese Advisory Board for Singapore, in resigning their offices as a protest against the decision of the Imperial Government with regard to the Military Contribution of this Colony. These gentlemen have, in the interests of the public, resigned offices of honour and diguity, and it is only fitting that you should express your gratitude to them for their unselfish and magnanimous conduct. (Applause.) Gentlemen, your presence here to-day in such numbers will, I am sure, be excedingly gratifying to the Straits Settlements Association, which, as you know, has for months past, with small success and slight encouragement, been fighting the battle of this Colony against the unjust and arbitrary exactions of the Imperial Government. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I trust that you will show your appreciation of the efforts of the Association, and the conduct of the gentlemen who have resigned their offices, by passing to-day a hearty and a unanimous resolution of approval. It is not for me to do more than briefly tell you what is the object of this meeting, and therefore I shall at once call upon Mr. Napier, the Hon. Secretary of the Straits Settlements Association, to propose the resolution which he has to submit to you. (Applause.).
MR. NAPIER.
Mr. W. J. Napier (of Messrs. Drew and Napier, advocates and solicitors) rose and said Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, the resolution which I have to submit to you this evening is as follows:-
That this meeting heartily approves of the action of the members of the Legislative Council, the Justices of the Peace, and the members of the Chinese Advisory Board in resigning their offices as a protest against the decision of the Imperial Government with regard to the Military Contribution for the Colony.
When I was complimented by being asked to propose this resolution, I agreed to it with rather a light heart, but I had not the responsibility fully before me as I now have it. A day or two ago I found in the Straits Times, a newspaper which you know has the largest circulation in the far East. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) There I found that my responsibilities were very heavy. I then, for the first time, found out that Lord Ripon would probably sean my speech to find means where with to confound the Colony's canse, I was there told that I must not use any violent language. I do not intend to use violent language. I was there told that I must not try to tickle the ears of my enthusiastic sympathisers in this court. I don't think I am capable of tickling anyone's ears. I was told that I must say something that would read reasonably to people at home.That I will try to do. We have come here this evening to protest against Lord Ripon's despatch. That despatch was the reply made by Downing Street to the prayer of the Colony to be relieved of the burden which is and has been crippling its resources for the last five years. A perusal of that despatch seems to me to show how totally the interests of the Colony are subordinated to meet the requirements of the Imperial Exchequer. A perusal of that despatch will show you that civil expenses are to be restricted to 3,000,000 dollars, and how much is to be set aside to meet the military requirements of the Colony? What remains of Colonial balances is to be devoted to military purposes. You will see; also, that eventually we are expected to pay every penny of the charge for military establishment which the War Office may think fit to call upon the Colony to pay. The amount estimated for that establishment in 1889 was 186,0006 But for the period of the next five years, 1894 to 1898, this sum had increased to 154,730. a-year; and I have no doubt that there will be a further increase in the future. But then, in addition to all that, there is the additional burden hanging over os of providing barrack accommodation for the troops. It is not necessary for me to go into the thorny subject as to how far it is proper for a Colony to contribute to
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works of Imperial defence in the interests of the Empire. I would point out to you that if this place was not an Imperial coaling station a very small number of troops would suffice for its defence. As the Times in a recent article says: "The Colony has good ground for the contention that the added cost of its defence has fallen upon it in consequence of the Imperial importance of Singapore." Now we have never stood upon what I may call the strict letter of our obligations, but this Colony has always been willing to contribute towards the maintenance of the troops placed here for military purposes. Sir Charles Tupper, discussing the question as to how far Canada was bound to contribute towards the maintenance of the Army and Navy of England, said : --“No contribution to the support of the Army and Navy on the part of Canada would have contributed to the strength and greatness of the Empire in a greater degree than the mode in which the public money of Canada has been expended." He pointed to the enormous tracts of country which Canada had developed, making her the granary of the world. He pointed to the subsidised steamships which, in times of need, could be used as armed cruisers; and, finally, he pointed to the railway, that Imperial highway, stretching from Ocean to Ocean, and concluded by saying, "That, instead of adding to its defences, the strength of a Colony would be impaired by taking away the means which it requires for its development." I would ask you if this Colony has cost the Mother Country something, whether it has not given anything back in return. Look at the development of the Colony since 1867, take, for instance, the tonnage which has entered and cleared in the three Settlements, exclusive of native craft. In 1866, that amounted to 1,661,683 tons, and in 1888 this had grown to 9,192,855 in tons. Then look at the Native States which we have opened up the greatest tin-producing area in the world. Look, too, at our docks and local shipping. And lastly, look at the lighting of the Straits, which are probably the best lighted straits in the whole world, and I say we can point with pride to that and be assured that, in what we have done, we have increased the strength and stability of the Empire. I repeat again that it appears to me that the salient point in the despatch of Lord Kipon's is the subordination of the interests of the Colony to the Imperial Exchequer. We have tried all means in our power to get this wrong righted; we have had public meetings, we have had deputations to the Governor, and to the Secretary of State; and it has all been of no avail. Now, the only course left is I think the action that has been taken by those gentlemen whose action we have come to approve to-day. That resignation has, it seems to me, been deliberately provoked by the Imperial Government. In 1890 Mr. Adamson, who was a member of Legislative Council, made a speech when this 100,000%. contribution was first introduced. A despatch was received from home, ordering us to pay that sum without any previous consultation with the Colony on the subject. Mr. Adamson then said: "That such a course would reduce the Council to a position in which it would be absolutely impossible for any man to take a seat in it." Again, in May, 1893, when he made that able address to Lord Ripon, he gave the following opinion:-
"If the non-officials of the Council are appointed for one object more than another I cannot for my it is that they may exercise some control over the public finances. part conceive that it will be possible to get men with any self-respect to sit on the Legislative Council, if this chief duty is to be taken entirely from their hands and dealt with by votes given under instructions from Downing Street.
We are here to support the action of members of the Legislative Council, Justices of the Peace, and members of the Chinese Advisory Board. It would be presumptuous on my part to attempt to appraise the merits of these gentlemen. They have done their duty. We have now to appeal from Downing Street to the people of England. I know the old rhyme :—
"Give a poor man his beer and his bacca,
And he don't care a d- for the Straits of Malacca."
But since then the difference existing between England and her Colonies has been gradually swept away. From a recent article in the Times, to which I have already alluded, I believe our cause will obtain a fair hearing at home. The article ended as follows: The Colonial proposal to increase its original contribution from 50,000l. to 70,0001, seems to present a fair compromise based on a calculation of the respective interests to be served." The Letters Patent, as was pointed out a few months ago [in the Straits Times], give the Legislative Council full power for the raising and the expenditure of public revenue as may be deemed advisable for the peace, good order, and good government of our subjects within our Settlements or within any territory which may at any time be part of or dependent on the same." That is to say, the charter only authorizes the revenue of the Colony to be applied for the good of the people in the Colony, and for the good of the people there. I say that the Legislative Council by its official votes instigated by Downing Street, and in opposition to the unanimous vote, from time to time, of the unofficial members, has been diverting the money of the Colony in a manner which is alien to the Letters Patent. (Applause.) It appears to me that the appropriation of the revenue of the Colony, in total opposition to the wishes of the Colony, is contrary to overy principle of the British Constitution. (Immense applause.) Why should any man because he crosses the seas and comes here lose that right, which every working man at home has, of taking a share in
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